The third factor is that some stone and tree deities are connected with "negative energy" (Yin). As I have mentioned in Chapter Two, at least since the late Zhou period (fourth century BCE.), Chinese have believed that there are two opposing but interrelated active energies in the world (cf. Paper 1990:27). Ideally, the positive and negative energies are not necessarily good-evil; both are valuable and necessary aspects of the unity of nature. In other words, they are opposites, but not opponents. They blend into one another. They are the alternating aspects of nature.

However, in the practice of Chinese popular religion, the "positive energy" symbolises "kindly" and the "negative energy" symbolises "spooky". For instance, the Tree God of Chhau-lian Lane (#T25; see figure 91) is worshipped with a small censer beside a small Tai-chiong-ia (the enshrined posthumous bones, a kind of responsive deity) temple. Tai-chiong-ia is traditionally regarded as a spirit with heavy negative energy and is thus rather spooky. Therefore, only a few people on some specific occasions access the place and worship the tree and Tai-chiong- ia. I think that because villagers avoid coming to the site, the tree is not asked for nominal adoption. The second example is the Tree God of Lam-kian West Road (#T34; see figure 101). I was told that originally people living in the area collected unworshipped bones and deposited them beneath a big tree to worship. Later on, after the tree and bones performed some miracles, people initiated a temple of the Land God to worship. Ten years ago, they built a smaller temple beside the Land God temple and engraved a tablet for the Tree God. However, it does not take nominal children. I think it is because people are afraid of the bones beneath the tree which is connected with the negative energy. Moreover, the stone Good Brothers of Bah-tau Hamlet (#S22; see figure 23); the stone Good Brothers of San-tiau Hill (#S24; see figure 26); the stone Good Brothers of E-kham-te Hamlet (#S26; see figure 28) and the Stone God of Tham-te Ward (#S57; see figure 62) are themselves spirits with the negative energy, it is quite natural that they are not asked to adopt children.(note.12)

The fourth reason some stone and tree deities are not suitable parents for nominal adoption is that they are treated as the Land God.(note.13) In Chapter Three I already explained that the Land God can be represented by a stone or tree and without any statue. He is traditionally regarded as the guardian of land, of community, of wandering souls. As a minor deity with little power or as the God identified as the Earth Governor (Houtu; see figure 112) who is heavily involved with wandering souls which I mentioned in Chapter Three, he is regarded as not suitable for being a nominal parent.

The last factor influencing the lack of nominal adoption by some stone and tree deities is that they are too marginal to be found by the public. For example, more than 100 years ago, a resident of Tek-san Town of Lam-tau County dug a foundation for his new house and unearthed a stone with human appearance. The villagers considered the stone divine and deified it as the Stone God of Tek-san Town (#S17; see figure 17) and worship him as an associate god in Chi-lam Kiong (literally, the Purple South Palace). In spite of the fact that the Land God Temple has thousands of devotees, they seem not pay any attention to the Stone God which is set in a marginal place.

The Divine Stone of Giong-tek Boulevard (#S41; see figure 43) is located beside the beginning (and the end) of Giong-tek Highway, a main road leading to the Grass Mountain. The site is often covered with grasses and only a few neighbours of the stone know the location. Therefore nobody asks for nominal adoption. The Tree God of Lo-chui Village (#T24; see figure 90) has been venerated for more than 100 years. Only a few local residents worship it with some incense sticks. Naturally, it has no nominal children. The Grandfather of the Ancient Temple of An-lam District (#S40; see figure 42) is worshipped on the family altar of Mr. Phuan Hong-guan, a Chinese pharmacist. Only his friends and neighbours know that there is a stone deity here and thus it adopts no children. The Elderly Tree of Pak-li Rural-town (#T36; see figure 103); is located in a small hamlet consisting of about four households. Only a few people know that the tree is worshipped. Therefore, it adopts no children.(note.14)

VI. Conclusion:

So far, we may distinguish three general types of guardians of children: 1, the higher-ranking deities, 2, goddesses and fortunate women, and 3, the Stone God and the Tree God. The reason that the higher-ranking deities are favoured to be guardians is because they are bureaucratically powerful; they can easily protect children from any harm of malicious spirits. Goddesses and fortunate women, on the other hand, are favoured because of their maternal nature. What, then, can be the reason that the Stone God and the Tree God, who belong to the lower ranks and thus have little hierarchical power, are widely favoured as nominal parents? Because people hope their children might grow as strong as the Stone God and as big as the Tree God, or they can bear the children's unfortunate destiny. I assert that the natural objects can serve children, at least, because their intrinsic appearance of physical strength, no matter whether they were orignially deified because of performing miracles or of unusual origins etc. (see also Appendix).

This view is further supported by a comparison of the different patterns of the amulets worn by adopted children. We notice that in order to engage her/his protection, the higher- ranking gods usually bestow a sack containing a talisman, a bit of incense ash, and/or a picture of the god serving as an amulet hung on red silk thread. The amulets given by other deities might be an ancient coin, silver medallion, or luck medallion hung on a red silk thread. I was told that the reason that coins of imperial times are preferred for such amulets is the coins are engraved with the eras of the emperors which themselves are authoritative and thus can reinforce the power to ward off evil spirits. Recently, since imperial coins are no longer issued, silver medallions or luck medallions prepared by some well- financed temples are used instead.(note.15)

However, the amulets of the Stone God and the Tree God are unique. I was told by the believers of the Stone God that it is better to fasten a small stone picked from the surroundings of the Stone God together with the sack, ancient coin, silver medallion, or luck medallion hung on a red silk thread. The amulet of the Tree God of Tun-ho Ward (#T14; see figure 78) is hung, in addition to an ancient coin, with a small branch taken from the divine tree. Yuan Chang-rue (1993:10) also reports that in some places of Taiwan, if the nominal parent is the Tree God, a leaf of the divine tree is hung together with the coin as an amulet. Furthermore, Eberhard (1970:21f) records that the bark of a divine tree serving as a "adopted father" in China was removed in many places to put in the children's clothes to make them stronger. In brief, although with little hierarchical power, the deities can still serve children with intrinsic appearance of physical strength which is direct and concrete.

In addition, from the three main reasons that these natural objects are favoured to be nominal parents and the five factors that keep them from adopting children, we realise that there is a division of labour, or a functional differentiation, among popular deities. Each deity, theoretically, has designated a specific duty or function for the purpose of helping and assisting people and, thus, is not omnipotent.(note.16) The Land God, for instance, because not designated for the specific duty of adopting children, is not favoured for the nominal adoption. On the contrary, the Stone God and the Tree God, who are traditionally regarded as guardians of children, are favoured as nominal parents.

However, I think the Stone God who is functionally divided into nominal adoption is not accidental. As described in Chapter Two, the connection of divine stones with fertilizing capability had been in existence from ancient times. We see the Stone Monkey was said to be developed out of a stone egg impregnated by Heaven and Earth. Besides, there are many life-giving stones recorded in Chinese classics. In modern Hong Kong Island and the New Territories there are stones still worshipped by engaged couples for the perpetuation of the clan, that is, for birth-giving. In the field work of Taiwan, I did not find any stone with obvious life-giving function. But the stones with nominal adoption might be a functional extension of the life-giving stones.